Recent months have seen our Congress in the headlines for all the wrong reasons.

There is the proposed hike of the Social Security System pensions given to retirees. Faced with a veto by the president, who claimed that the hike would endanger the long-term sustainability of the fund, the Liberal leaders of Congress had a chance to override that veto and enact the law. They disowned the legislation, a reasonable enough response, but rudely and irregularly adjourned the House session where the override would have been considered.

There is also the Bangsamoro Basic Law, an initiative heavily promoted by the Aquino administration. His so-called allies in the House and Senate, however, have thrown every procedural wrench at the push to pass it. Enough members apparently have other urgent matters, get abducted by aliens, or for some other reason disappear so as to rarely have quorum when the Law is on the agenda.

This debauchery of legislative procedure is not the sole domain of the “practitioners” of Daang Matuwid. We also have people like Alan Peter Cayetano and Bongbong Marcos, who have shamelessly used public inquiry to demonize and mischaracterize in their attempts to credit themselves and discredit the Aquino administration.

People are tired of this—and people have begun to question the very existence of Congress as a result. In fact, a certain presidential candidate has suggested abolishing the institution if he is elected. After all, it is nothing but a barrier to progress. This solution is simplistic and dangerous, and commits the error of confusing Congress and the congressmen who populate it.

It is not Congress whose existence must be questioned. The legislative branch exists precisely as a balance to the powers of the presidency, and to ensure that laws are representative of the people of all corners of the country. The problem is not with this democratic paradigm; the problem is with attempts to subvert and outright destroy this paradigm—and removing the very institution of Congress precisely does this.

It is, in fact, the congressmen who must justify themselves. The failure of these legislation to become law only shows a disrespect for democratic institutions and values in the pursuit of power and glory, and a breakdown in party discipline and party politics. While a good number of substantive bills have indeed been passed into law over the past few years, it is clear that, in many cases, initiatives, no matter how good or urgent they are, die painful deaths the minute they become unpalatable to either the public or other political powers that be.

This must be changed.

If our presidential candidates mean to really change our country, they must all also begin to build governance platforms beyond just the presidency, not take shortcuts of any sort out. They must begin to consider not just a legislative agenda but building a complete movement with congressional candidates that sincerely believe and the mechanisms to keep them within reason and prevent procedural abuses.

In the spirit of democracy, of course, we have our part to do, too. We must begin to hold our congressmen and senators accountable for what they do in Congress, beyond just “track records” that are little more than senseless games of numbers and jargon. While there admittedly is little choice at local levels at present, we can use these elections to show our candidates that we now demand more from them aside from motherhood statements and superficial adherence to ideals.