The GUIDON reviews President Noynoy Aquino’s performance in what may very well be the period to set the tone for his entire six-year term.
Economy
By Nicole M. Acosta
Aquino’s thrust for transparency may have brought some luster to the economy. Some observers previously predicted that Aquino’s virtuous image would prompt investors to put their money in the country. According to a study by UP Professor Emmanuel de Dios, investments are indeed heavily influenced by the administration’s governance.
Current economic indicators in fact show that Aquino may have heightened the confidence of investors in the country. During his recent trip to the US, he claimed he was able to obtain $2.7 billion of investments.
According to Randy Tuaño of the Economics Department, portfolio investments—investments in bonds and stocks—have also soared in number. But as Tuaño says, “[Economists] don’t put much weight into that because that’s only paper money. So the main question is: are investments actually coming in?” Recent events, plus Aquino’s pledge for public-private partnerships, point to the affirmative. This has generated some concern, though, because some basic social services might be turned over to profit-oriented firms.
Aquino also claims to have brought in 10,000 jobs from his trip to the US. This may be a positive sign, but some are concerned about tax collection rates. After all, the president inherited a whopping P162.1 billion budget deficit from the previous administration.
“I think the government has fairly achieved its target for tax collection,” Tuaño says.
“But I think down the line, there are some new tax measures that the government has to implement.”
Corruption and Accountability
By Andrew C. Syling
One of the many campaign promises that Aquino made was to go after the allegedly corrupt officials of the Arroyo administration. For progressive groups such as Gabriela, there seems to be no visible progress in this regard, even with such steps such as the creation of the Truth Commission. The Commission aims to identify and investigate the allegations raised against the past administration, such as the misappropriation of funds for different ghost projects, cheating in the elections, and political killings.
Gabriela Spokesperson Jenniffer Estellore says, “For us, the [creation of the] Truth Commission is a delaying tactic.”
In fact, the Arroyo camp had already questioned the legality of the Truth Commission. Gabriela and other progressive groups believe that this shows that Aquino is not doing enough.
Political Science Department Lecturer Arjan Aguirre believes that this is not the case. “The Truth Commission is simply the first step,” he says. “Aquino is mustering his [power base] and while waiting, [the Commission] will gather all the data and information.”
For him, Aquino is simply being political in living up to his promises. “The first 100 days are just the beginning… there are many changes in policy that are simply hard to change,” he says. “We voted for him not to chase after the past administration, but because we want to have a better life.”
However, Estellore says, “If Aquino is really serious about bringing [Arroyo] to justice, he must order the Justice Department to action.”
Top 8 Most Corrupt Government Agencies*
1. Department of Transportation and Communication
2. Presidential Anti-Graft Commission
3. Department of Environment and Natural Resources
4. House of Representatives
5. Bureau of Customs
6. Land Transportation Office
7. Bureau of Internal Revenue
8. Department of Public Works and Highways
*based on an SWS corruption perception survey released February 2010
Agrarian Reform
By Paolo M. Taruc
During his campaign kick-off last February, Aquino promised the distribution of around 4,000 hectares of Hacienda Luisita to farmer-beneficiaries. However, just days after his inauguration, agents from Hacienda Luisita, Inc. (HLI) and some farmer groups signed a compromise agreement that would give farmer-beneficiaries the option to choose between receiving parcels of land or remaining as stockholders of HLI.
Conflict soon arose when farmer groups implored the Supreme Court to junk the deal, as the stock distribution option has already been ordered for revocation.
Aquino, who owns a stake in HLI, maintains a “hands-off policy” for the issue, in stark contrast to his approach on the dispute between the National Housing Authority and the informal settlers of Bagong Pag-Asa, Quezon City. Although he was in the US during the riots, he ordered the suspension of relocation “until the NHA provides a comprehensive plan.”
Aquino’s inconsistency has drawn the ire of various groups. Tonying Flores, spokesman of Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas, is not happy with Aquino’s performance.
“We are not satisfied,” Flores says in Filipino. “He just continued the programs of [Arroyo]… He’s not serious about the peasantry’s plight. The hacienderos are his priority.”
Flores wishes that Aquino would follow in the footsteps of his mother, Cory Aquino. “During Cory’s time, we went to her in Malacañang and she talked to us,” he says. In the year 1987, Cory Aquino issued two documents that outlined her plans on land reform. Her son has yet to do a similar act.
By the numbers: Hacienda Luisita
6435 size of the hacienda in hectares
1967 the Cojuangcos’ original deadline to distribute the land to the farmers
9.50 Luisita farm workers’ net daily salary (in pesos) by 2003
7 people who died during the 2004 Hacienda Luisita massacre
240+ number of days since Noynoy promised to distribute Luisita
Welfare and Health
By Andrew C. Syling
One of the Aquino administration’s top-billed welfare projects is the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program. The program, also known as Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT), aims to reduce the poverty incidence of up to 2 million families in the next two years. The program was started during the Arroyo administration, and has a proposed P29 B budget for 2011.
Social Welfare and Development Undersecretary Alicia Bala explains, “This program has two main objectives: to provide social assistance and to promote social development.” She adds that Aquino’s innovation to the Arroyo program is to streamline similar programs of different government agencies into the CCT. This eliminates redundancies and saves money.
Gabriela and other progressive groups feel differently about CCT. “When [Aquino] came into office, he promised sweeping change,” says Jennifer Estellore of Gabriela.
“All we can see here is a continuation of the neoliberal policies of the [Arroyo] administration.” She is referring to the ongoing hospital privatizations, which, for her, shows that the CCT is merely a dole-out.
“[Aquino] must focus on high-impact programs like gainful employment, because dole-outs are never enough,” she says.
The Department of Health, on the other hand, has been criticized for seemingly not doing enough to prevent the drastic rise of dengue cases.
According to Dr. Jared Billena of the Biology Department, however, the high incidence of dengue should be attributed to natural causes. He thinks the criticisms are unfair.
National Defense
By Niko S. Lok
Aquino plans to impose reforms on national defense based on intergovernmental relations. Political Science Department Chair Alma Salvador says that these changes have been verified by plans for the acquisition of new weapons and the re-evaluation of military policies.
The implementation of these plans has already begun. According to Political Science Professor Jennifer Oreta, there are efforts for an Internal Security Operations paradigm shift: from national security to human security. This shift is intended to address the military’s human rights violations.
Despite these changes, there are still a lot of necessary reforms to carry out. For the entire duration of the Arroyo regime, corruption in the military has grown to an extensive level, and extrajudicial killings have increased.
Oreta believes that the necessary changes would not cascade down easily. But for her, “The important thing is that there is… recognition and rectification of faults and flaws in the institution.”
Human Rights
By Niko S. Lok
Aquino has mentioned plans to pursue peace with insurgent groups who have criticized the government for disregarding human rights. However, Political Science Chair Alma Salvador says that though progress has been made by instating the right people in key positions, it doesn’t show how Aquino is personally involved in the issue. “[Aquino] seems to have inadequate resolve,” she says.
For Jennifer Oreta of the same department, it is not clear whether the president will effectively tackle the issue. She feels that though Aquino has shown willingness to negotiate for peace with the Reds, with the intention of promoting human rights—for the rebels have repeatedly accused the government of violating international humanitarian law—the question on whether he will follow through is still ambiguous.
On another note, Aquino has been criticized for the still unresolved extrajudicial killings. UN Special Rapporteur Philip Alston’s recommendations on these killings also remain unheeded.
An Ongoing Bloodbath
Some political and sectoral groups have lost members to extrajudicial killings during the Arroyo’s regime. The number of casualties follows.
143 Bayan Muna
133 Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas
50 Anakpawis
30 Karapatan
24 Kilusang Mayo Uno
Data from Karapatan Monitor, April – June 2010
Communist Peace Process
By Luther B. Aquino
Attaining peace with the Reds seems just as far as a possibility now as it did under Arroyo. Perhaps the biggest impediment to peace is Aquino’s precondition of a ceasefire, which is a clear violation of The Hague Joint Declaration of 1992 co-issued by the government and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP). For the Reds, a ceasefire will come at its own time, once the root causes of the conflict are addressed.
NDFP Chief Political Consultant Jose Maria Sison notes that Aquino has not been as prompt as his three predecessors in sending government emissaries to meet with the NDFP.
“The Philippine Ecumenical Peace Platform has noticed the slowness of Aquino,” he says.
“I dare to expect that he and the people around him would eventually see the need for resuming the peace talks,” Sison says, “because of…the rising level of the armed conflict, and the people’s demand for a just and lasting peace through negotiated agreements on basic social, economic and political reforms.”
Education
By Emmanuel D. Delocado
Aquino has presented his ten-point education agenda as early as the campaign period. One of his proposals, however, has raised a lot of eyebrows: to extend the current basic education cycle to a twelve-year program, as per “global standards.”
An advocate of quality public education, Sen. Edgardo Angara echoes Aquino’s sentiments. “This rerouting is necessary to meet the growing needs and demands of a highly competitive world market,” he says.
Pointing to increasing dropout rates in previous years, however, Political Science Instructor Anne Lan K. Candelaria, says that before focusing on global competence, one must critically look at the actual system supposed to foster this competence. She believes that the K-12 system prepares only the 30% who actually finish high school.
University President Bienvenido Nebres, S.J. believes that fixing education in the country means first tackling the basic concerns, such as classroom shortages and substandard textbooks. “They say they will [address these things] too,” he says, “but there has got to be a sequencing.”
Noynoy taketh away
Noynoy is getting himself in sour terms with state college and university students over his proposed massive cuts to higher education subsidy. The five schools below will have a great amount taken away from their 2011 budget, averaging around minus 21%.
University of the Philippines: Minus P1.39B
Philippine Normal University: Minus P91.35B
Bicol University: Minus P88.91B
University of Southeastern Philippines: Minus 44.39B
Central Bicol State University: P31.65B
Moro Peace Process
By Jee Y. Geronimo
As early as the election campaign period, President Aquino has already mentioned hopes of reviving peace talks with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), which collapsed back in 2008. On occasion of Eid ul-Fitr this year, the government and the MILF made pronouncements making the resumption of peace talks increasingly likely.
“Our stand is clear. The peace talks should continue [from] where we stopped,” Marvic Leonen said before in an interview. Leonen, Dean of the University of the Philippines College of Law, is the government’s newly appointed chief peace negotiator with the Moros.
In line with past agreements, the MILF would no longer demand an independent state, and instead would seek a status similar to that of a state in the US. For the government’s part, Aquino pledged to consider Charter Change in reaching a resolution with the Muslim rebels.
“The MILF really wants the peace process to be finished,” Mohagher Iqbal, MILF’s negotiator, assured in an interview.
